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TIME: Almanac 1990
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1990 Time Magazine Compact Almanac, The (1991)(Time).iso
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60pueblo
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Pueblo Capture
[In early 1969, while the U.S. was preoccupied with fighting the
Communists in Viet Nam, there came what appeared to be a completely
unprovoked attack from another Asian Communist power on a U.S. ship,
an old freighter converted into an electronic reconnaissance vessel
and called the Pueblo.]
(February 2, 1968)
It was noon, Korea time, when a Soviet-built North Korean torpedo
boat bore down on Pueblo. Commander Lloyd M. Bucher, 40, was not
overly disturbed. Harassment is one of the hazards of electronic
snooping.
Using international signal flags, the PT boat asked Pueblo's
nationality. When she identified herself as American, the Korean boat
signaled: "Heave to or I will open fire." Pueblo replied: "I am in
international waters." She maintained her course at two-thirds speed
(8 knots), with the PT boat never very far away. AN hour later, three
more North Korean vessels came slashing in from the southwest. One was
a 30-knot, Soviet-built subchaser, the others 40-knot PT boats.
"Follow in my wake," signaled one of the small vessels. "I have a
pilot aboard." The Korean boats took up positions on Pueblo's bow,
beam and quarter.
It was only when one of the Korean PT boats rigged fenders--rubber
tubes and rope mats to cushion impact--and began backing toward
Pueblo's bow that Bucher realized what was happening; in the bow of
the PT boat stood an armed boarding party. "These guys are serious,"
the skipper radioed his home port, U.S. Navy headquarters in Yokosuka,
Japan. "They mean business."
As the Koreans swarmed abroad, U.S. Navymen feverishly set fire to
the files, dumped documents, shredded the codes, and did their valiant
best to wreck the electronic gear with axes, sledge hammers and hand
grenades. At 1:45 p.m., Pueblo radioed Yokosuka that the North Koreans
were aboard. Twenty-five minutes later, she reported that she had been
"requested" to steam into Wonsan, a deep-draft port used by many
Soviet submariners in preference to Vladivostok, where the continental
shelf forces them to cruise uncomfortably close to the surface. At
2:32 p.m., barely 2 1/2 hours after the first Communist PT boat hove
into view, came Pueblo's last message. Engines were "all stop,"
Bucher reported; he was "going off the air."
Were U.S. field commanders at fault for having failed to send
planes to frighten off Pueblo's captors? Should they have sunk her
rather than let the ship fall into probing Communist hands?
Astonishingly, there were no planes in a position to help.
[After eleven months in captivity, the Pueblo crew was released at
the Korean DMZ.]
(January 3, 1969)
The prisoners' long-sought release came only hours after the
enactment of a scene that belongs in the weirder annals of diplomacy.
In the one-story hut in Panmunjom that has seen hundreds of meetings
since the 1953 truce that ended the Korean War, U.S. Army Major
General Gilbert H. Woodward sat down opposite North Korean Major
General Pak Chung Kuk. "The position of the U.S.," said General
Woodward, the top U.N. member of the armistice commission, "has been
that the ship was not engaged in illegal activities, that there is no
convincing evidence that the ship at any time intruded into territorial
waters claimed by North Korea, and that we could not apologize for
actions we did not believe took place." He added: "My signature will
not and cannot alter the facts. I will sign the document to free the
crew and only to free the crew."
With that, he put his name to a document prepared by the North
Koreans which said that 1)Pueblo "had illegally intruded into the
territorial waters of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on
many occasions," 2) the U.S. "solemnly apologizes for grave acts of
espionage," and 3) Pueblo's crew members "have confessed honestly to
their crimes." The U.S. said one thing, then signed quite another.
Predictably, Communist propagandists ballyhooed the agreement as
"an ignominious defeat for the U.S. imperialist aggressors" and
ignored the disclaimer. Whatever use the Communist chose to make of
the solution, the U.S. had backed itself into an awkward corner. A
high-ranking U.S. representative had openly said his signature was
worthless. If the Navy tries to punish any of Pueblo's crew for
signing "confessions," an obvious defense is that the U.S. Government
itself has done exactly that.
[As details emerged about the Pueblo crewmen's brutal imprisonment,
during which they had been systematically beaten and tortured to make
them sign confessions, the U.S. agonized for months over the dilemma
of the military code of conduct, which requires brave men to endure
vicious treatment rather than sign false documents that are of dubious
value anyway. The Navy finally elected not to try, punish or reprimand
any of the crew.]